The Role of Tribes in the Release of IS Combatants in Northeast Syria

In the aftermath of the fall of the Islamic State (IS) in early 2019, Al-Hol became the larger of two Kurdish-run displacement camps for former IS militants and their families in north-eastern Syria (NES). The camp accounted for more than 60,000 individuals in late 2020, mostly Syrians (37%) and Iraqis (28%), in addition to smaller numbers of other nationalities. As per UN (October 2020) statistics, women and children accounted for over 80% of the Al-Hol population. The Kurdish-led Syria Democratic Forces (SDF) began managing the camp in 2019 and released between 7,500 to 8,000 Syrian Islamic State combatants and their families back to communities of Deir-ez-Zor and Raqqa.

Following the last batch of releases in December 2020, MECS undertook to assess the extent to which former IS combatants and their families are, indeed, reintegrating back into society. MECS targeted over 800 respondents including former IS combatants, tribal leaders, and community members, and used a mixed-method approach that involved public opinion surveys, secondary data review, and key informant interviews.

This piece is the second in a series of short posts, sharing data-driven analysis on the matter. It focuses on understanding the process of tribal sponsorship that led to nearly half of all releases between May 2019 and December 2020.

The 800 participants MECS polled in late 2020 were composed of half IS families and former combatants, as well as half host community members. 42% of the former combatants and the families polled as part of the process indicated having been released between May 2019 and December 2020 as a result of a tribal sponsorship scheme. How did that work in practice?

According to interviewed tribal leaders, eligibility for release entailed the following criteria: former combatants and their families had to have voluntarily surrendered to SDF and the International Coalition, and not be found guilty of crimes (“hands not stained with blood”). Only then could local notable tribal figures come forward and offer to “sponsor” their release. The sponsorship system was directly negotiated between tribal leaders, SDF and the International Coalition. Tribal leaders would submit applications on behalf of a former combatant and/or his family.

Release application forms included the former combatant and his family’s biodata (including names, date and place of birth, parents’ names), information about their occupation prior to joining IS, relevant family background, and details of the applicant’s role during his involvement with IS. In addition, each application required the sponsorship of several people, often relatives or immediate family members, in addition to the relevant tribal leaders.

Information about the individual sponsors was compiled as part of the release application form, and all forms were then shared with SDF security personnel in the area of proposed return, for evaluation. While respondents could not speak to the details of the evaluation process, they indicated that individual behaviour while in detention in SDF-run facilities was a key variable in the security forces’ decision. Small differences appeared in how the process would unfold, and its effectiveness perceived, in Raqqa and Der-ez-Zor.

In Der-ez-Zor, upon conclusion of the evaluation by local security authorities, results would be sent to the court to issue release orders. SDF personnel were then instructed to implement the court’s decisions and transport the released individuals and families to their communities, where the former detainees had to sign sworn statements signaling their commitment to i) integrate into society to the best of their ability, and to ii) abstain from participating in any action that can threaten the safety, security, or peace of their communities. The sworn statements were also signed by the sponsors, relatives and tribal leaders alike, who were then held responsible and accountable for the actions of the released persons.

Respondents’ feedback indicated a high degree of confidence in the Der-ez-Zor tribal leaders’ ability to meet the guarantees required by the SDF. They deemed their tribal leaders wielded stronger authority and significant influence over individuals’ behaviour in Der-ez-Zor, which then accounted for their ability to anticipate and regulate bad behaviour if it was to emerge. 79.5% of those polled in Der-ez-Zor hence either “agreed” or “strongly agreed” with the sponsorship deals, which they believe to be “good for society.”

In Raqqa, families of former combatants or their widows were able to petition tribal leaders directly, asking for individual releases. Tribal leaders would then use their own networks to run background checks, with a view to validate release requests, before holding consultations directly with the SDF leadership in the area, to discuss the detainees’ history. The SDF would then undertake its own investigation, directly inform the relevant tribal leaders and, when deemed safe, formally approve the sponsorship and proceed to release the applicant(s) in presence of the families and tribal sponsors.

While the process was seemingly more fluid in Raqqa, a number of respondents complained that sponsorship deals did not entail sufficiently rigorous background checks, and led to the release of several figures they deemed dangerous, in light of their past IS affiliation or criminal activities. While the majority of those polled in Raqqa still supported the sponsorship deals, their level of support was 20 points less than in Der-ez-Zor and amounted to 59%.

The next article will focus on how Syrian communities perceive the IS combatants and families who now live in their midst.

ME Consulting Solutions (MECS) is a Syrian-owned research and consulting advisory firm, dedicated to generating high-quality analysis in support of effective humanitarian and development programming. If you enjoyed our analysis, please Like and Share our posts. For information and inquiries, please contact us at info@meconsulting.solutions.